In this podcast I will discuss women’s education, cookbooks and share some of my experience in training and working in the culinary industry.

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This podcast discusses the role and status of women during the Choson era. It covers the academic article, "Priests, Entertainers, or Prostitutes: The three roles of the Female Performers (Sadang) in Chosun Korea" by Kim Sung Soon (translated by Ksenia Chizhova) and Encyclopedia of Everyday Life: A Woman's Guide to Living in Late-Chosŏn Korea, which is a translation of Kyuhap ch'ongsŏ (The Encyclopedia of Daily Life), written by Lady Yi (1759-1824)  accompanied by an introduction from Michael Pettid and Kil Cha. Using our perspective as women and our knowledge of Korea today, we will explore the domestication and objectification of women during the Chosŏn era.

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In Chosŏn society, wŏn (Hangul:원, 冤) described intense negative emotions, often distress, that came from feelings of injustice. Wŏn played an integral role in justice, lawmaking, and daily life in Choson Korea. Wŏn allowed people of different classes and genders to gain justice through the legal system, breaking down gender, social, and economic barriers in Choson Korea. Judiciaries considered a person’s wŏn in a court of law, with their main goal often being to relieve a person’s wŏn to administer justice. Wŏn was perceived as a universal sentiment that every person could feel, regardless of background, thus creating a sense of universal equality in Choson.

History

King Taejo established the Choson dynasty in 1392 and sought to create a justice system in which he could maintain social order and administer fair justice. He established a legal system that year in which subjects could directly appeal to the monarch, who served as the highest court in the land. That year, the Saheonbu (Office of the Inspector General) issued a statement:

“First, establish rules and laws. One who wishes his state well should not be concerned about safety and peril; rather, he should be concerned with whether the rules and laws are properly implemented.”

King Taejo sought to establish a legal system in which people would fully abide by the law while believing the law to be fair. He believed that relieving his subjects’ wŏn was the best way to ensure a peaceful and just society under his rule. Justice in Choson society was not just centered around correcting wrongdoing, but also alleviating feelings of wŏn to ensure a harmonious society.

In 1401, during King Taejong’s reign, the Choson government installed the “petition drum” for people to vocally express grievances that had not been properly addressed in county, provincial, and capital courts in order to relieve their wŏn. In 1402, King Taejong pronounced three primary objectives of the drum: for people to freely express their opinions and the monarch to embrace them, to redress grievances of people who have been wronged, and to encourage subjects to report any acts of rebellion or treason. While the drum also served other purposes, it provided a direct channel for people of all classes to openly redress their grievances to relieve their wŏn. (Kim, 30)

Conflicts Over Wŏn:

In premodern Korea, rulers believed they would bring disorder to society or even cause natural disasters if people had too many grievances or resentment. In July 1402, there was a severe drought, and King Taejong (Kim, 34) believed the cause to be delayed appeals process at the municipal courts and demanded magistrates and local authorities address the issue as quickly as possible. King Taejong believed the overwhelming build up on wŏn created the natural disaster and sought implement change to prevent something like that from happening again.

There were also cases in which there was conflict between the institutional order and relieving people’s wŏn. In order to protect authorities, the state prohibited subjects from making accusations toward county magistrates, regardless of any wŏn the people felt. The state needed to reinforce hierarchy and autonomy over peace, and justified this act by stating the magistrates represented the King, who in turn, represented the Heavens. According to Korean historian Jisoo Kim:

“In a Confucian state, accusing one’s ruler, father, or master was regarded as an absolute crime, and this similarity applied to local subjects accusing county magistrates.” (Kim, 37)

King Sejong believed that his subject’s inability to accuse magistrates only contributed to the build up of wŏn in the state and therefore weakened the credibility of his rule so long as his subjects held too much resentment. In 1433, King Sejong allowed subjects to raise complaints against the local magistrates, but also exempted magistrates from punishment to appease his advisors. While this did little to correct the underlying issues of the justice system, it still created some semblance of equality as ordinary citizens could file formal complaints against their leaders to relieve their wŏn. (Kim, 38)

Wŏn and Society:

Choson Korea had a very strict class system dictated by birth with few chance of upward mobility, but wŏn allowed people of all social classes and genders to press charges against others.

In the year recorded as “gyungo”, a female slave named Malgum filed a formal complaint against Sungun, her late husband’s male relative. She claimed Sungun forged a document and attempted to take her rightful lands inherited from her late husband. The magistrate investigated and found that Sungun did indeed forge the document and ordered his arrest, as well as ordering the lands to be returned to Malgum. Malgum expressed an intense feeling of wŏn, which the magistrate took into account when considering conducting the investigation. Malgum was a female slave suing her male relative for land, and while she was still expected to abide by her societal and gender roles, she still used the justice system to relieve her feelings of wŏn from the incident.

There were also instances in which people actively suppressed their wŏn in petitions to prevent potential grievances from coming up in the future. In individual cases in which wŏn conflicted with the existing law, the law prevailed and took precedence over any future wŏn that could come up.

Most people submitted petitions to address and relieve their wŏn from a dispute, but in 1652, an elite woman named Madam Im petitioned to obtain legal knowledge to prevent such a dispute from ever taking place. Madam Im and her husband, O Sinnam, did not have any sons and only two daughters from Sinnam’s concubines. The couple decided to adopt Sinnam’s grandnephew, O Sangji, before he was three years old and treated him as their heir. Upon Sinnam’s death in 1632, however, Sangji’s legitimacy was called into question due to the generational gap and Sinnam not yet officially recognizing his adopted son before his death. Sinnam’s son-in-law, Yun Inch’ol claimed the property should be evenly distributed because Sangji was not officially the heir. Madam Im submitted a petition to the provincial governor concerning her son-in-law’s share of the inheritance, and her husbands’ daughters being born to concubine-slave mothers. In her petition, Madam Im addressed how Sinnam intended for Sangji to be his heir and how Sangji performed his duties as heir by arranging her husband’s funeral and conducting ritual ancestor worship for twenty years. The governor responded to her petition by praising her efforts at preventing future discord by taking a legal route, instead of an emotional one, thus preventing any of Sinnam’s other descendants from making a case through wŏn.

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I created a three-dimensional pop-up artwork that illustrates the importance of women in late Chosŏn period (1600s–1800s) literature and writing. I was inspired by Ksenia Chizhova’s monograph, The Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea (Columbia University Press, 2021), to show that writing in the Korean Peninsula were not always in Classical Chinese, nor were they written solely by elite males.

Today, the writing system used in Korea is hangul, or the Korean alphabet. It was created in 1443, but throughout the Chosŏn dynasty, classical Chinese was used by the yangban elite and royalty because of the close relationship to the Ming Dynasty, cultural affinity with previous Chinese dynasties, and Confucian ideals. The Korean alphabet, on the other hand, was used primarily for communication with the general public as well as among yangban women.

Among the literature written in Korean alphabet are the stories written by elite women discussed in The Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea. They first appear in the late 17th century. Although written in the later Chosŏn period, the stories are set far off in ancient China. Although remote in the past, this setting provided the inspiration for the Chosŏn’s imagination of an ideal society. The value system of Chosŏn Korea was based on the respect of others, especially one’s social superiors, as well as morality surrounding relationships between ruler and servant, father and child, and wife and husband based on the teachings of Confucius. Kinship also played a huge role as it laid out the rules for how to behave and act with others depending on their family relationships. The lineage novels discussed in this book often revolve around these scenarios. Their authors used the stories to showcase the formulation of Chosŏn’s moral rules and how the social hierarchy is important for everyone to understand and follow.

Portrayed in my creation is a 3D pop-up   art that is composed of a crocheted yangban woman, a hand-bound book, created in the likeness of a traditional Korean book, filled with my take on Korean vernacular calligraphy, and pop up art that showcases the story of a particular kinship novel, “Brothers Hyon." The story is about how two brothers deal with their ideas of love, lust, and control. The crocheted female doll is a symbol for how in this society, females were subservient to their fathers, husbands, and sons, and were tasked with doing household chores. Thus the crochet, while not being a part of Chosŏn culture, represents women’s role in the society as housebound individuals. The book is handmade with vernacular Korean writing, signifying the stories the yangban women would write, while the pop-up pages are a summary of the story I chose to write in the book. Together, the art I made celebrates the talent and the ability of women. Although society placed them in a specific role, they still found ways to be creative and engage their curiosity.

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These panels are an interpretation of the life of Yi
Pinghogak (1759-1824). She was the author of one of the first extant cookbooks in Korea, contributing to women’s literacy and expanding women’s role in society. The influence of Yi’s family and upbringing will be discussed as a significant influence on her future. These panels also show how Yi Pinghogak’s culinary knowledge brought a sense of freedom for women. This “freedom” is not freedom from domestic work or “the inner chambers” but the freedom that came with “connection to the world of knowledge through her cookbooks” (Ro, 149). The overall focus of this piece will demonstrate how the work of one woman, who was born into a privileged family, helped women from different social backgrounds to read and spotlight the importance of women’s education.

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It is commonly known, among historians, that Europe underwent a military revolution during the early modern period (1500-1800). They developed new, upgraded styles of warfare, which is often seen as giving them "a clear advantage over the other peoples of the world" (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 52). However, were these military developments truly unique to Europe? In reality, when set in a global context, this "European" way of war was not entirely unusual (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 52). Similar developments were occurring at the same time in East Asia. In Japan's Warring States Period (1457-1615), frequent battles among regional lords led to significant improvements in military technology. During the Imjin War (1592-1598), when Japan invaded Chosŏn Korea and the Koreans fought them off with the help of the Ming Chinese, the Koreans took notice of these technological improvements and decided to make use of them as well.

At this point, readers may be wondering what exactly this upgraded military technology was. In particular, the fuel behind the revolution was the adaptation of musketry. Both Europe and Asia were developing musket technology and something called the "volley fire" technique, (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 55) which will be discussed further on. Koreans especially took hold of this technique and made it their own

Korean cannon makers first came into the possession of muskets in the middle of the 16th century (Kang, 241). However, as they were trying to reverse engineer the muskets (or basically figure out how to make these new weapons for themselves), they did it using preexisting Korean cannon making technology, which was quite different from how the guns were originally made. This resulted in muskets that were actually similar in shape to the ones they found, but with crucial differences that would lead to some problems in battle (Kang, 241). Most notably, they were casted in bronze as opposed to being forged with iron, and they were missing important parts, which made the guns liable to burst when fired (Kang, 249). This changed after Koreans encountered Japanese muskets first-hand in the Imjin War. The power of these iron-forged muskets were shown, and so Koreans started forging their own muskets with iron as well (Kang, 250). They were still not exactly the same, but much closer and definitely less likely to burst. With this, Korean musketeers became a common sight in the East Asian military sphere, and Chosŏn Korea continued to develop their musketry as time passed.

Just as important as the muskets themselves was the way they were used, both in Europe and in Asia. Andrade, Kang, and Cooper discuss the importance of drill in the European military revolution and how it allowed their soldiers to be so dominant. The concept of drill combined with musket technology is what allowed for the volley fire technique. To explain in more detail, early guns had a very low firing rate (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 54). In order to keep musket fire constantly raining down on the enemy, musketeers took turns firing and reloading, cycling in and out as they were ready (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 54). This is essentially what volley fire is all about. It allowed for continuous fire, which made it very difficult to handle for the enemy force. Integral to this process working out properly, however, was drill. Soldiers had to be disciplined and experienced enough with this technique to actually be able to use it in real combat. Musketeers were largely left vulnerable as they were firing, so they had to be protected by other soldiers. In Europe, during the cycling process, they moved behind pikemen as they were reloading, which allowed them to be protected from charging cavalry (Andrade, Kang, Cooper 57). When they finished reloading, they had to be able to quickly get to their position, fire, cycle back, and then reload to do it all over again without being distracted by the cavalry running at them, and this required discipline. The best way to achieve such a state was through intense drilling (Kang, Andrade, Cooper, 58): repeated practice of the technique until it was so ingrained in the soldiers that they could carry it out in battle without even thinking about it.

Drilling in such a way is often attributed as being a European invention, but there is evidence that similar techniques were developed in Asia. In fact, the start of the military revolution itself can be attributed to China in the 14th Century. The founder of the Ming dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-1398) first incorporated guns and new firearm tactics in his armies as he formed the Ming dynasty in 1368, and then he turned those techniques outwards, which caused them to spread throughout the neighboring states and eventually reach Europe (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 59-60). During the Warring States period in Japan, infantry was trained to face down cavalry in order to cut down costs using discipline and drill, and they carried not only swords but also muskets within their ranks (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 60). Various Korean sources show that Japan used volley fire against them in the 1590's, so it is quite certain that Europe and Asia both developed this technique within two decades of each other (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 61).

"Before the Japanese invasion, Korea's armed forces were largely unprofessional and inadequately drilled" (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 62). This was a fact that originally caused the Koreans to be outmatched by the invading Japanese, and so they were forced to change their system from the ground up. Their new military was specifically formed around musketeers and did not use many cavalry units (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 62). They managed to fight off the Japanese with the help of Ming soldiers, especially troops trained by the famous Chinese general Qi Jiguang (1528-1588), who was well versed in drilling techniques, and so they incorporated his ideas into their own military force (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 63). Adapting his principles into the volley fire technique, they created the "three-unit technique," involving a musketeer unit, an archer unit, and a swordsman or spearman unit where the latter two would provide support for the more deadly musketeers (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 66), similarly to how Europeans used their pikemen. Korean musketeers became core to their army, and they were deployed to help the Manchus fight back Russian invaders in the mid-1600s. By this time, Korean musketeers were very experienced in their techniques and had developed them to be quite effective, and so they were able to play a large role in victories against the Russians (Andrade, Kang, Cooper, 78). The Korean musketeers came to be known for their accuracy and discipline, crucial to the allied military effort.

Europe developed use of muskets and volley fire tactics during their military revolution which gave their troops a solid advantage, but East Asia also developed similar techniques at around the same time. The Japanese and the Dutch invented the volley fire technique within twenty years of each other, and the Koreans further refined the technique, leading it to become a core, effective part of their military force. There is no doubt many people out there knowledgeable about the European military revolution who have no idea about the Asian, and notably in this context, the Korean military revolution, and so this discussion has aimed to bring this knowledge to light. Doing so can create a more fully informed global context during the early modern period and lead to future discoveries and comparisons from historians within such a context, or it can simply provide some cool information to anyone who would be interested.

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I wanted this comic to let people know how the Korean alphabet was invented by King Sejong (May 7^th, 1397--March 30^th, 1450), the 4^th King of Choson Dynasty. According to Gari Ledyard, King Sejong invented the alphabet to make the texts more accessible to more people including the students, the teachers, the peasants, and more. I will share the brief process of the invention through this project.

I am Korean, and I use Korean alphabet all the time. I personally think it has an amazing system and methods behind it, and I wanted to honor the person who invented the alphabet I use with this project.

I used the book called “The Korean Language reform of 1446” by Gari K. Ledyard (focused on chapter 2) as reference of this project.

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The identity of the nation and people of Korea are often seen as homogenous and unchanging. In reality, throughout its history, Korea has gone through dramatic changes and taken an active part in the political stage. Diverse peoples have settled in, traded with, warred against and otherwise contributed to the cultural, linguistic and political composition of Korea. Here I will focus in particular on the Chosŏn dynasty view of Japanese foreigners and their descendants living in Korea.

Hyanghwain: People Who Move Towards Edification

Pirates from Japan and islands to the southwest of Korea were referred to as waegu, Japanese raiders. These pirates attacked even as far as inland southern Korea, with fleets of fifty to two hundred ships (Bohnet, 33). There was frequent violence between Chosŏn and these raiders. The Sillok, the Chosŏn court annals, describes the first king of Chosŏn shooting an arrow into a pirate that dared to moon him, in 1377 (Baker, 45). Then, in 1419, after decades of conflict, a Chosŏn naval fleet attacked, the island of Tsushima, beheading a hundred people, razing their homes, destroying their fleet and uprooting their rice plants (Baker, 48).

Despite this apparent enmity, large numbers of Japanese merchants and pirates were allowed to settle in Chosŏn Korea and, in some cases, gain wealth and social status. For centuries, foreigners settled in Korea had been referred to as hyanghwain which literally means "people who move towards edification", with the implication that these foreigners emigrated to Chosŏn in order to become civilized. In the beginning of the Chosŏn dynasty, for a "submitting-foreigner" to settle they simply took on a Korean name and were not drafted in military service. For higher status submitting-foreigners, they would also be given land, clothing, and wives; this warm reception was originally conceived as a way of increasing tax revenue for the Koryŏ (dynasty preceding Chosŏn) court (Bohnet, 26).

This policy was more than a one-time measure taken to settle foreigners, though; it resulted in a specific social status group. Since the people of Chosŏn were already categorized into distinct social groups, the hyanghwain became a hereditary group with its own taxation rules and ranking (Bohnet, 42). In 1368, 2,000 Japanese raiders were settled in Gyeongsang province, and even more came as refugees from Tsushima. In 1494, up to 3,000 Japanese merchants lived in three ports on the southern coast. These hyanghwain could occupy many different social ranks. There was work for skilled laborers such as shipbuilders from Ryūkyū and monks from Japan. In one case, a Japanese raider named P'i Sago gained in rank as a royal guard after being defeated by T'aejo in 1395. His son was then able to become an official without taking the standard civil examinations and even interpreted on diplomatic missions for the Chosŏn court (Bohnet,46). Of course, this was an exceptional case; for the most part, submitting-foreigners had limited social mobility. But this exception is notable because it shows that his origins as a Japanese raider, somewhere between criminal and enemy, did not preclude him and his son from achieving significant social rank.

During the Chosŏn dynasty, social hierarchy was very important, and the court took increasing care in administrative efforts to categorize people. As such, Japanese hyanghwain were supposed to be kept separate from Japanese living in Japan, but this was impractical because of the diverse circumstances of hyanghwain (Bohnet, 50). Some of these submitting-foreigners actually lived in Japan but were granted this status because of displaced Korean parents caught up by pirates. Not only that, but some hyanghwain of Japanese parentage living in Chosŏn Korea became interpreters for diplomatic meetings with Japanese and Ryūkyūan rulers.

These diplomatic meetings required a certain amount of delicacy and caution, due to the nature of political instability within Japan and the tributary status of Chosŏn and Japan to the Chinese Ming dynasty. Moreover, at the time Japan consisted of multiple political entities. The Ryūkyū kingdom, which became the present-day Okinawa prefecture of Japan, had a different relationship with the Chosŏn dynasty than Japan. The before-mentioned island of Tsushima, now part of the Nagasaki prefecture, was a province of Japan lying between Korea and the Japanese mainland. Still, Tsushima was largely independent (Baker, 44), subjected at different times to Mongolian Yuan (Lee, 61) and Korean (Lee, 70) invasions, and acted as a diplomatic bridge between Korea, Japan and China (Bohnet, 17).

Chosŏn Diplomacy with Japan and the Ryūkyūs

In the beginning of the Chosŏn dynasty, Ming China set up tributary sea lords in the Ryūkyū islands to act as trade intermediaries, which ultimately resulted in the formation of the Ryūkyū kingdom (Bohnet, 33). There was also a scholarly exchange between Ming China and the Ryūkyū kingdom, with Chinese scholars from Fujian settling in the city of Kume-mura, and a three-to-four year overseas program in Fujian for Ryūkyūan students. At the same time, Chosŏn, also a Ming tributary, met with Ryūkyūan diplomatic envoys from 1389--1637, effectively using them for the same purposes as the Ming and establishing a hierarchy and trade network of tributary states. The close contact with the Ming was a sign of merit for the Chosŏn court, and Ryūkyūan people were held in higher regard than those from the Japanese mainland (Baker, 47).

On the other hand, the governance of Japan went through a lot of upheaval during the Chosŏn dynasty, and the language used to refer to Japanese people was often derogatory. In the early Chosŏn dynasty, Japan was ruled by the Muromachi shōgun, a military dictatorship, but there was a high degree of local control by powerful landowners called daimyō. So, the Chosŏn court established diplomatic relations with both the shōgun and the daimyō, carefully recognizing their hierarchies and shifting power dynamics with diplomatic etiquette (Bohnet, 33). In fact, the Ryūkyū kingdom was overtaken by one of these Japanese states in the early seventeenth century unbeknownst to Ming or Chosŏn and continued acting as a tributary state to both, facilitating trade between Japan, China and Korea (Baker, 44). There is a situational irony here because the scholars of Chosŏn continued to write about the Ryūkyūans and Japanese in very different terms, unaware of the political reality.

Korean Images of Japan

The word waegu is written with the character "倭" or wae, which is a Chinese character used to denote the ancient Japanese Wa kingdom but with the derogatory meaning of "submissive" or "dwarf". Thus, the word can be read as "Japanese pirates" or "dwarf pirates" and similarly for waeno (dwarf minions) and waejeok (dwarf bandits). Such terms were used even in the Sillok, the official court annals (Baker, 49). This may be surprising for a court that highly values etiquette, welcoming foreigners, and even civilizing its subjects through moral behavior. However, it makes sense given a context of violent disputes and enmity. These terms were most frequently used during the sixteenth century, when the Disturbance of the Three Ports, frequent pirate raids and most importantly the invasions launched by Toyotomi Hideyoshi devasted Chosŏn. During the war that followed, the Imjin War (1592-1598), a third of the farmland was destroyed, villages and palaces burned, and nearly a fifth of Koreans died or were taken captive (Lee, 127).

All the same, negative attitudes towards Japan did not immediately disappear with the return of peaceful relations. The broad-scale political relations between Korea, Japan and China had an impact even on a personal level for Chosŏn scholars' views of Japanese people. Immediately following the Toyotomi invasions, Chosŏn writer Kang Hang, who had been held captive in Japan, wrote that it was "a repugnant place...not yet graced by King Yu's influence," the legendary King Yu here representing Chinese and Confucian values and mannerisms. A century later, Chosŏn diplomat Wŏn Chunggŏ wrote that the Japanese people were not as barbaric as many had come to believe, citing their literacy and social cohesion -- it was not a glowing testimony but enough to change the conversation (Baker, 49). After Japanese scholarship on Confucian philosophy reached Korea, the Chosŏn aristocracy had a chance to see a side of Japan that fit in with their idea of civilization and could thus be given greater consideration and engagement. A prominent example of this is the pair of essays written on Japan at the end of the eighteenth century by Chŏng Yagyong, also known as Tasan. In one, he drew a parallel between Japan and ancient Korea, arguing that literature, scholarship and moral pursuits drove the Chosŏn court's peaceful diplomacy and the beautiful prose written in Japan indicated the same change. In the other, he argued that it was not in Japan's best interest to attack Korea again (Baker, 53). These arguments are interesting because they suggest 1) that the sources of concern for Koreans were fear of war and cultural differences, 2) a shift in opinion, or at least an atmosphere that could allow such a shift, and 3) for Tasan, this was a topic of enough significance to merit publishing a persuasive essay.

Conclusion

The relationship between the peoples of Japan and Korea during the Chosŏn dynasty was characterized by war, overseas trade, and the spread of culture and idea through diplomacy. There were also intermediate regions, such as areas in the southern provinces of Korea and the islands north of Japan, where people of different parentage and speaking different languages shared common space and culture. Japanese people occupied many roles within the Chosŏn dynasty, which influenced national identity as understood by Chosŏn writers.

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I created a comic strip on the history of soju because this topic had truly piqued my interest. The comic strip highlights information drawn from the book Soju: A Global History (Cambridge University Press, 2021) by Hyunhee Park. While it was definitely a challenge to condense the vast amount of information in the book, I aimed to convey the main takeaways. One of the key takeaways is how soju served as an example of food culture and broader global cultural exchange. The development of soju in Korea suggests an interactive relationship between technology and culture–that technology drives cultural change and vice versa.

As someone who was never interested in alcohol or its history, I genuinely enjoyed learning many new and fascinating facts about soju’s history through reading Park’s book. I was particularly amazed at how alcohol could play a significant role in human lives and cultures, and the complex histories behind its transfer. While soju is considered one of the most popular drinks today, not many people are aware of its history because of how difficult it is to access information about it outside of academic research, which can be at first overwhelming or challenging to understand. My intention, therefore, is to share valuable insight into the history of soju in a less formal way through my comic strip. After completing this project, I feel that I’ve taken a big step toward embracing my Korean heritage by delving into its rich history.

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This comic provides a visual representation of the relationship between Jeong Do-Jeon and Yi Songgye based on the evidence offered by David M. Robinson in his introduction to his translation of Seeking Order in a Tumultuous Age: The Writings of Chŏng Tojŏn, a Neo-Confucian, and the subsequent chapters that zoom in on Jeong Do-Jeon's text. From this context, it focuses on three instances spanning over about a decade of friendship and coordination that aided in the establishment of Joseon and the enthroning of General Yi Seonggye as Taejo.

It aims to present elements of Korean history in an attractive and engaging manner to a wide audience and highlight a very interesting and transformative moment in history that position two men and their friendship at the forefront of a new dynasty.

I opted to use Revised Romanization to imitate English translations of Korean comics (manhwa).

Although I draw inspiration from Joseon hanbok and architecture, it is not to be treated as an accurate representation of historical aesthetics. Many elements involved in this visualization are stylized to fit the medium, including hairstyles, the characters' apparent ages, and conversations. Also, I opted for Joseon fashion despite the first story taking place before its establishment.

The Characters

Jeong Do-Jeon

Passed the infamously strict service exam in 1362.

As a supporter of the former King Gongmin, he actively opposed the Yuan.

Held a post at the Royal Academy of Confucianism.

Was exiled twice.

My imagination made Jeong Do-Jeon slightly socially strange and very by-the-book.

Yi Songgye

Yi Songgye, also known as Taejo, was a prominent military general. Would become the first King of Joseon. Some evidence that he took the throne reluctantly, after succession turmoil following the assassination of King Gongmin.

For more (including 8 images), view the original article.

The purpose of this piece is to highlight the impact that Korean Kinship novels had on Korean history. As described in Ksenia Chizhova’s book Kinship Novels of Early Modern Korea “Lineage novels are vernacular Korean texts transcribed by elite women and circulated through kinship networks.” (Chizhova 21) However, these novels were more than just written documents. To simply call them texts downplays their influence, which often spanned across multiple generations in a family. These novels were also significant for capturing “ the structures of feelings that embedded the ritual, economic, and moral imperative of Chosŏn kinship in a life world, a space for living”.  Unlike texts by upper-class male Koreans who, due to their classical Chinese education, preferred using hanja (Chinese characters), these novels on the other hand solely used hangul, or vernacular Korean. Despite hangul’s creation in the 15th century, the continued usage of hanja by upper-class male Koreans created a class and gender divide between the people of the Chosŏn era. In the end, these novels are an example of how this left “women’s literacy and cultural activities relied heavily on Korean scriptural practices”. (Chizhova 31). The aim of the creation of this art piece is to highlight this unique gender divide in the literary creation Chosŏn era.

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The following is inspired by the historical events of The Diary of 1636 (the second Manchu invasion). It is a work of historical fiction.

The Diary of Na Man’gap King Injo

Before the Second Attack

This has been an extremely difficult decision because I am ever so grateful towards the Ming. They have done so much for Chosŏn by defending us from the Japanese invasion but unfortunately, they have been left weak. I feel like the bad guy in this situation but I have come to a decision. After consulting with the Westerners faction, I have decided to tell the Manchus I will keep the promise I made to them in 1627. This is the best action I can do as of now considering the Ming cannot defend us again and Chosŏn is not as strong as the Manchus. If only those barbaric Manchus could leave my land alone… I will show them who the best land is and use this as motivation to gain power. Who do they think they are to control MY Chosŏn?! I will begin by improving the military because looking back at the 1627 attack, our key defenses were not best, to say the least. Our archers kept on missing the target! They’re supposed to go through a two-week training camp but maybe that is not enough…

Despite saying that I’ll keep my promise to the Manchus, I haven't been doing that. I’ve been letting Ming generals enter the territory and allowing Ming envoys at my court. I know this may lead to war with the Manchus so perhaps I should not be doing all of this but how could I not? The Ming were there for Korea when we needed them the most and if they hadn’t helped us out, who knows what Japan would have done to my land?!

Winter of 1637 (The Second Attack)

I am now seeking safety in the Namhan Mountain Fortress because the Manchus invaded Korea again. The Manchu khan has declared himself emperor of the Qing dynasty and is sending his army against us. I’m surprised by how quickly they reached Seoul (in 4 days) but I believe this is all commander Kim Chajŏm’s fault! I am definitely going to execute him because how on earth could he fail to heed the fire beacons?! Not only that but I just found out that we had received a letter from the Manchu prince a while ago about wanting to keep the peace between us! I angrily asked why I did not find out about this earlier and was told the prince broke protocol by sending the letter directly to me. I don’t care if the Qing envoys were mistreated, those filthy barbarians simply have no manners!

It has been several weeks since the invasion and I sense our military resistance is weakening. Qing troops have surrounded the fortress. Our supplies dwindle. My court and I have been talking about the best method of surrendering. I REALLY don’t want to do that. I am THE king, so why should I stoop that low by doing something so embarrassing? How could my officials ask their sovereign to debase himself like this? I have to admit, doing this will hurt my pride but I do not want my people to suffer any longer!

The Surrender

After days of debating to surrender, we have been forced to do that. On the bright side, I didn't have to exit the fortress with jade in my mouth while carrying an empty coffin. But kneeling before a barbarian ruler was the most difficult thing I have ever had to do in my life! What kind of king does something as humiliating as that! Not only that but those barbarians want me to erect a stele to show off Korea’s defeat.

The Aftermath

After shaming myself before my subjects, do I still deserve the title of king? Although the people I am surrounded by are not allowed to speak ill of me, I know for a fact they are questioning my authority in their heads. Since the surrender, many high-ranking people have been taken hostage by the Qing soldiers. A lot of them have been forced to marry into Manchu clans while others have suffered in prison or have died in captivity. Whenever I see that damned stele, it is like torture. I am reminded constantly by our defeat but I will use this as motivation to make a better Korea.

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